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So who is going to Win?

 

 

WASHINGTON (By Peter Nicholas, LATimes) September 9, 2008 — Entering the final stage of the race, the two presidential campaigns are plotting strategies that rely on vastly different readings of the electoral map, with Democrat Barack Obama competing hard in a large number of traditionally Republican states and John McCain, the GOP nominee, focusing on a small set of familiar battlegrounds.

A wild card in their calculations is McCain's surprise vice presidential choice, Sarah Palin.

Strategists in both parties say it is too early to assess whether the Alaska governor's conservative profile, which has energized core Republican voters, will put new states in play for the GOP ticket. A McCain campaign that has struggled with a lack of enthusiasm says it is already heartened by one post-Palin development: a wave of new GOP volunteers in Florida, Wisconsin and other crucial states.

National polls suggest the race is a tossup. In presidential contests, though, the trick is stringing together victories in enough states to clear a 270-vote majority in the electoral college.

With the election less than two months out, each campaign is reevaluating the map. Privately, McCain strategists acknowledge they are up against a mighty field operation assembled by the Obama campaign, which McCain's team has been hard-pressed to match.

The Obama campaign's worries include carrying Wisconsin and New Hampshire, two states that voted Democratic four years ago but are no sure thing this time around. They are also keeping a wary eye on Michigan, another Democratic state in 2004. Obama made two stops there Monday, talking about the slumping economy.

"We had no illusions that this was going to be anything but close," David Axelrod, Obama's lead strategist, told reporters recently.

Armed with the larger bank account, Obama's plan has been to maximize his chances by trying to win states that were out of reach to Democrats in recent elections. He is making serious investments of staff and advertising in 18 states, 14 of which voted to reelect President Bush in 2004.

The idea is to hold on to all of the states that Democrat John F. Kerry won in 2004, then peel off enough traditionally Republican states to put Obama over the top. So, even at this late point in the contest, the Obama operation boasts dozens of paid staff and multiple offices in states such as Montana and North Dakota.

Other states that Republicans won in 2004, but which Obama is now targeting, include Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Iowa, Missouri, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio and Virginia. And the campaign says it is not abandoning its ambitions in Alaska, even after Palin's selection as McCain's running mate.

"One of our strategic goals here is to wake up on the morning of Nov. 4 with as many pathways to 270 electoral votes as possible," David Plouffe, Obama's campaign manager, recently told reporters. Nov. 4 is election day.

McCain campaign officials see a more constricted field of play. "Eighteen states is 10 states too many," one McCain strategist said, dismissing the Obama campaign's assessment of how to win.

In McCain's view, the election hinges on several Rust Belt and Upper Midwest states, particularly Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, as well as the perennial battleground of Florida.

Some conditions in the battleground states seem to favor Obama. Voter registration in key states has been trending Democratic. In Pennsylvania, a state with 21 electoral votes, registered Democrats now outnumber Republicans by more than 1.1 million, up from 484,000 in 2000.

Republicans enjoyed a registration edge in Nevada and Iowa in the 2000 and 2004 elections. Not anymore.

Overlaid on the map is widespread disaffection with the Republican Party. Bush's approval ratings have hit record lows. The economic slowdown and rising gas prices are ongoing worries.

In the face of these obstacles, Republicans see it as a victory of sorts that the race is as competitive as it is. Indeed, several recent polls show the race as close to dead even, and a USA Today/Gallup Poll survey made public Monday showed McCain ahead among registered voters, 50% to 46%.

"This is in many ways the best Democratic environment since Watergate," said Mike DuHaime, political director for McCain. Given all the factors in his favor, he said, Obama "should be ahead by a lot."

If the map were a roulette table, Obama would be dropping chips all over.

In Georgia, a state that hasn't voted for a Democratic presidential candidate in 16 years, Obama maintains a paid staff of more than 100. He has opened more than 30 offices, attracted nearly 5,000 volunteers and registered more than 92,000 new voters there, according to the campaign. A nonpartisan study of TV advertising released at the end of July showed that Obama had aired more than $1.8 million worth of ads in Georgia over the previous seven weeks, compared with nothing for McCain.

McCain has no field office in Georgia, using instead a Florida-based office for the Southeast. Yet he has reason for optimism: An aggregate of public polls compiled by the website Pollster.com shows McCain with a 6-point lead in Georgia.

In a possible suggestion that Obama is shifting his bets, his campaign recently returned its advertisements to the air in several states, after removing them during the recent party conventions. But Obama's ads have not gone on the air again in Georgia or Alaska.

Plouffe told reporters Monday that the campaign was moving some staff out of Georgia and into North Carolina -- a state that offers another illustration of Obama's expansive view of the map.

No Democratic candidate for president has won North Carolina since Jimmy Carter in 1976. This year, Obama has sent more than 100 paid staff to the state. The same nonpartisan ad study, compiled in part by the Wisconsin Advertising Project, showed that Obama aired more than $1.6 million worth of ads in North Carolina over a seven-week period this summer, compared with none for McCain.

Yet Pollster.com showed McCain with a 3-point edge in North Carolina.

Montana is a small prize with just three electoral votes, but it has gotten considerable attention from the Obama campaign. Obama is airing TV commercials in the state, which last voted Democratic in the 1992 presidential race. He has opened 17 offices in Montana and visited the state five times, according to Democratic officials.

In the end, Republicans don't believe it will make any difference. "Ultimately, I think he's going to be unsuccessful. . . . We're asking John McCain to spend time in the states that are going to be more in play than Montana," said Rep. Denny Rehberg (R-Mont.).

Even some Democrats privately wonder about Obama's strategy, questioning whether resources might be better spent on states that look more winnable.

One top Democratic strategist, after looking at voting patterns and demographic trends, said: "I don't think the Obama theory proves out when you do the math. When I ran the numbers on states like North Carolina, I didn't think that was possible."

So who is going to Win?

WASHINGTON DC (By Andrew Romano, Newsweek) September 8, 2008 ― An in-depth look at where the race stands right now. Because while polls are terrible at predicting what will happen two months hence, they're actually pretty good at showing how people would vote if the election were held today. After all, that is the question pollsters ask their victims. And judging by the latest stats, the race has reached its most interesting and perplexing point since ever.

From the end of the primary season on June 3 until the shortly before the start of the Democratic Convention late last month, the Real Clear Politics average ― a blend of the most recent half dozen or so national match-ups between Barack Obama and John McCain ― told an essentially static story: despite never breaking the magical 50 percent mark, Obama led McCain by a steady three to six points for months. But two back-to-back conventions ― which typically mark the point when the public begins to pay attention ― have scrambled those jets. After arriving in Denver tied with McCain for the first time since late May ― 45.1 percent for Obama to 43.9 percent for McCain ― Obama appeared to depart with a five-point boost. By Sept. 2, in fact, he was ahead of McCain 49.2 to 42.8 ― his largest share of the vote to date and his widest average lead (at 6.4 percent) since late June. Now, however, that lead has been neutralized. With the festivities in St. Paul finally finished, the race has reverted to a tie ― 46.7 to 45.5. Only this time it's McCain who has the advantage in the RCP average ― his first since Hillary Clinton ended her campaign.

In other words, McCain is winning, at least on a national level.

Should Obamans be worried? Absolutely. But that's not because the latest polls have revealed something shocking about the election. Instead, the new numbers simply confirm what expert observers knew all along ― that the race would get really, really close once the public finally tuned in. There are three caveats to consider.

First, while McCain's convention bump is real, it's far too early to tell whether he's actually ahead of Obama. That's because the Real Clear Politics average includes one poll ― the new USA Today/Gallup ― that shows something dramatically different from the rest of the post-convention surveys: McCain leading 54 percent to 44 percent, the largest edge for either candidate since Obama mounted a few double-digit margins in mid-June. Given the two other soundings taken over the same time period resulted in a dead heat ― Rasmussen, 48-47; CNN/ORC, 48-48 ― it's prudent, for now, to assume that Gallup is a bit of an outlier until other polls confirm its 10-point split.

The second caveat relates to the reason why Gallup shows such a wide margin. While most polling outfits at this stage focus solely on registered voters i.e., anyone who answers the phone and is registered to vote, Gallup has also turned its attention to likely voters i.e., respondents most likely to show up on Election Day, according to "how much thought they have given to the election, how often they say they vote and whether they plan to vote in the election in November." Screening for likely voters is tricky business, especially this year. For starters, the old screening models ― which tend to favor tried-and-true Republican demographics ― may not apply to an election in which Team Obama is investing massive resources in turning out subgroups (young people, African-Americans) traditionally underrepresented at the polls. But the more important thing to remember is shifts in the likely voter pool correspond to fluctuation in voter enthusiasm ― and thus, according to statistical studies, vastly "exaggerate the volatility of voter preferences."

Thanks to Sarah Palin and the party in St. Paul, "there has been a very substantial jump in the percentage of Republicans saying they are more enthusiastic about voting in this election, from 42% a week ago after the Democratic convention, but before the Republican convention to 60% today," according to Gallup ― a leap that has narrowed the "enthusiasm gap" between the parties from "19 points in the Democrats' favor a week ago to only seven points today." Gallup credits McCain's newfound national lead to this burst of enthusiasm. But the problem is while the GOP's joviality is an important development ― it means that McCain will have an easier time turning out his base in November ― revved-up Republicans only account for about 45 percent of the electorate. That's not nearly enough people to boost McCain to an actual 10-point lead. What a group that size can do, however ― especially when they get excited ― is skew Gallup's assessment of who's likely to vote further to the right than usual. And that, according to polling expert Nate Silver, is exactly what they've done: "Republicans, especially evangelical conservatives, are pumped now, after having been indifferent toward John McCain for most of the election cycle. They may be picking up the phone when a pollster calls where they had been screening out the call before, perhaps to the extent that they are biasing the sample." Case in point: the same Gallup poll shows McCain ahead 50 percent to 46 percent among registered voters ― i.e., everyone Gallup called, as opposed to only the ones who expressed extreme enthusiasm. That's probably the more accurate result.

The final caveat? Presidential election are fought on a state-by-state basis ― not in the national polls. Here, the picture doesn't look quite as rosy for McCain. According to Real Clear Politics, Obama currently leads in each of John Kerry's 2004 states, including top McCain targets Michigan (+4.3 percent), New Hampshire (+0.3 percent), Pennsylvania (+5.0 percent) and Wisconsin (+7.2 percent).  He also leads by healthy margins in a pair of Bush states: New Mexico (+4.3 percent) and Iowa (+9.0 percent). If Obama can hold these advantages until Election Day, he'll wind up with at least 263 electoral votes ― seven shy of victory. That's where the red states of Virginia and Colorado come in. At this point, Obama's leading in the latter (+0.4 percent) and tied in the former. Win either one and the White House is his. At this point, RCP gives the Democrat 273 EVs (Colorado, no Virginia) to McCain's 265; the prediction whizzes at FiveThirtyEight.com are even more optimistic, projecting additional Obama victories in Virginia and Ohio for a final score of 304 to 234. Which means while McCain is "winning" nationally, Obama is ahead in the electoral college.

That said, we should probably add one more caveat to the list: no battleground state polls have been released since the second day of the Republican Convention. If the national surveys are right and McCain has in fact received a five-point post-St. Paul bounce, that enthusiasm will almost certainly trickle down. That means Obama's narrow leads in New Hampshire and Colorado could vanish, and McCain could pull ahead in Virginia. Palin has already taken Alaska and Georgia evangelicals off of Obama's wish list and put Wisconsin, Oregon and Washington
implausibly ― on McCain's. If the post-convention state polls fluctuate as much as their national counterparts have, we'll be right back where we began:

With no idea who's winning this thing.*

Check back on Nov. 4.

 

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