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So who is going to
Win?

WASHINGTON (By Peter Nicholas, LATimes)
September 9, 2008 — Entering the final
stage of the race, the two presidential
campaigns are plotting strategies that
rely on vastly different readings of the
electoral map, with Democrat Barack
Obama competing hard in a large number
of traditionally Republican states and
John McCain, the GOP nominee, focusing
on a small set of familiar
battlegrounds.
A wild card in their calculations is
McCain's surprise vice presidential
choice, Sarah Palin.
Strategists in both parties say it is
too early to assess whether the Alaska
governor's conservative profile, which
has energized core Republican voters,
will put new states in play for the GOP
ticket. A McCain campaign that has
struggled with a lack of enthusiasm says
it is already heartened by one post-Palin
development: a wave of new GOP
volunteers in Florida, Wisconsin and
other crucial states.
National polls suggest the race is a
tossup. In presidential contests,
though, the trick is stringing together
victories in enough states to clear a
270-vote majority in the electoral
college.
With the election less than two months
out, each campaign is reevaluating the
map. Privately, McCain strategists
acknowledge they are up against a mighty
field operation assembled by the Obama
campaign, which McCain's team has been
hard-pressed to match.
The Obama campaign's worries include
carrying Wisconsin and New Hampshire,
two states that voted Democratic four
years ago but are no sure thing this
time around. They are also keeping a
wary eye on Michigan, another Democratic
state in 2004. Obama made two stops
there Monday, talking about the slumping
economy.
"We had no illusions that this was going
to be anything but close," David
Axelrod, Obama's lead strategist, told
reporters recently.
Armed with the larger bank account,
Obama's plan has been to maximize his
chances by trying to win states that
were out of reach to Democrats in recent
elections. He is making serious
investments of staff and advertising in
18 states, 14 of which voted to reelect
President Bush in 2004.
The idea is to hold on to all of the
states that Democrat John F. Kerry won
in 2004, then peel off enough
traditionally Republican states to put
Obama over the top. So, even at this
late point in the contest, the Obama
operation boasts dozens of paid staff
and multiple offices in states such as
Montana and North Dakota.
Other states that Republicans won in
2004, but which Obama is now targeting,
include Colorado, Florida, Georgia,
Indiana, Iowa, Missouri, Nevada, New
Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio and
Virginia. And the campaign says it is
not abandoning its ambitions in Alaska,
even after Palin's selection as McCain's
running mate.
"One of our strategic goals here is to
wake up on the morning of Nov. 4 with as
many pathways to 270 electoral votes as
possible," David Plouffe, Obama's
campaign manager, recently told
reporters. Nov. 4 is election day.
McCain campaign officials see a more
constricted field of play. "Eighteen
states is 10 states too many," one
McCain strategist said, dismissing the
Obama campaign's assessment of how to
win.
In McCain's view, the election hinges on
several Rust Belt and Upper Midwest
states, particularly Michigan, Ohio,
Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, as well as
the perennial battleground of Florida.
Some conditions in the battleground
states seem to favor Obama. Voter
registration in key states has been
trending Democratic. In Pennsylvania, a
state with 21 electoral votes,
registered Democrats now outnumber
Republicans by more than 1.1 million, up
from 484,000 in 2000.
Republicans enjoyed a registration edge
in Nevada and Iowa in the 2000 and 2004
elections. Not anymore.
Overlaid on the map is widespread
disaffection with the Republican Party.
Bush's approval ratings have hit record
lows. The economic slowdown and rising
gas prices are ongoing worries.
In the face of these obstacles,
Republicans see it as a victory of sorts
that the race is as competitive as it
is. Indeed, several recent polls show
the race as close to dead even, and a
USA Today/Gallup Poll survey made public
Monday showed McCain ahead among
registered voters, 50% to 46%.
"This is in many ways the best
Democratic environment since Watergate,"
said Mike DuHaime, political director
for McCain. Given all the factors in his
favor, he said, Obama "should be ahead
by a lot."
If the map were a roulette table, Obama
would be dropping chips all over.
In Georgia, a state that hasn't voted
for a Democratic presidential candidate
in 16 years, Obama maintains a paid
staff of more than 100. He has opened
more than 30 offices, attracted nearly
5,000 volunteers and registered more
than 92,000 new voters there, according
to the campaign. A nonpartisan study of
TV advertising released at the end of
July showed that Obama had aired more
than $1.8 million worth of ads in
Georgia over the previous seven weeks,
compared with nothing for McCain.
McCain has no field office in Georgia,
using instead a Florida-based office for
the Southeast. Yet he has reason for
optimism: An aggregate of public polls
compiled by the website Pollster.com
shows McCain with a 6-point lead in
Georgia.
In a possible suggestion that Obama is
shifting his bets, his campaign recently
returned its advertisements to the air
in several states, after removing them
during the recent party conventions. But
Obama's ads have not gone on the air
again in Georgia or Alaska.
Plouffe told reporters Monday that the
campaign was moving some staff out of
Georgia and into North Carolina -- a
state that offers another illustration
of Obama's expansive view of the map.
No Democratic candidate for president
has won North Carolina since Jimmy
Carter in 1976. This year, Obama has
sent more than 100 paid staff to the
state. The same nonpartisan ad study,
compiled in part by the Wisconsin
Advertising Project, showed that Obama
aired more than $1.6 million worth of
ads in North Carolina over a seven-week
period this summer, compared with none
for McCain.
Yet Pollster.com showed McCain with a
3-point edge in North Carolina.
Montana is a small prize with just three
electoral votes, but it has gotten
considerable attention from the Obama
campaign. Obama is airing TV commercials
in the state, which last voted
Democratic in the 1992 presidential
race. He has opened 17 offices in
Montana and visited the state five
times, according to Democratic
officials.
In the end, Republicans don't believe it
will make any difference. "Ultimately, I
think he's going to be unsuccessful. . .
. We're asking John McCain to spend time
in the states that are going to be more
in play than Montana," said Rep. Denny
Rehberg (R-Mont.).
Even some Democrats privately wonder
about Obama's strategy, questioning
whether resources might be better spent
on states that look more winnable.
One top Democratic strategist, after
looking at voting patterns and
demographic trends, said: "I don't think
the Obama theory proves out when you do
the math. When I ran the numbers on
states like North Carolina, I didn't
think that was possible."
So who is going to
Win?
WASHINGTON DC (By Andrew Romano,
Newsweek) September 8, 2008 ― An
in-depth look at where the race stands
right now. Because while polls are
terrible at predicting what will happen
two months hence, they're actually
pretty good at showing how people would
vote if the election were held today.
After all, that is the question
pollsters ask their victims. And judging
by the latest stats, the race has
reached its most interesting and
perplexing point since ever.
From the end of the primary season on
June 3 until the shortly before the
start of the Democratic Convention late
last month, the Real Clear Politics
average ― a blend of the most recent
half dozen or so national match-ups
between Barack Obama and John McCain ―
told an essentially static story:
despite never breaking the magical 50
percent mark, Obama led McCain by a
steady three to six points for months.
But two back-to-back conventions ― which
typically mark the point when the public
begins to pay attention ― have scrambled
those jets. After arriving in Denver
tied with McCain for the first time
since late May ― 45.1 percent for Obama
to 43.9 percent for McCain ― Obama
appeared to depart with a five-point
boost. By Sept. 2, in fact, he was ahead
of McCain 49.2 to 42.8 ― his largest
share of the vote to date and his widest
average lead (at 6.4 percent) since late
June. Now, however, that lead has been
neutralized. With the festivities in St.
Paul finally finished, the race has
reverted to a tie ― 46.7 to 45.5. Only
this time it's McCain who has the
advantage in the RCP average ― his first
since Hillary Clinton ended her
campaign.
In other words, McCain is winning, at
least on a national level.
Should Obamans be worried? Absolutely.
But that's not because the latest polls
have revealed something shocking about
the election. Instead, the new numbers
simply confirm what expert observers
knew all along ― that the race would get
really, really close once the public
finally tuned in. There are three
caveats to consider.
First, while McCain's convention bump is
real, it's far too early to tell whether
he's actually ahead of Obama. That's
because the Real Clear Politics average
includes one poll ― the new USA
Today/Gallup ― that shows something
dramatically different from the rest of
the post-convention surveys: McCain
leading 54 percent to 44 percent, the
largest edge for either candidate since
Obama mounted a few double-digit margins
in mid-June. Given the two other
soundings taken over the same time
period resulted in a dead heat ―
Rasmussen, 48-47; CNN/ORC, 48-48 ― it's
prudent, for now, to assume that Gallup
is a bit of an outlier until other polls
confirm its 10-point split.
The second caveat relates to the reason
why Gallup shows such a wide margin.
While most polling outfits at this stage
focus solely on registered voters i.e.,
anyone who answers the phone and is
registered to vote, Gallup has also
turned its attention to likely voters
i.e., respondents most likely to show up
on Election Day, according to "how much
thought they have given to the election,
how often they say they vote and whether
they plan to vote in the election in
November." Screening for likely voters
is tricky business, especially this
year. For starters, the old screening
models ― which tend to favor
tried-and-true Republican demographics ―
may not apply to an election in which
Team Obama is investing massive
resources in turning out subgroups
(young people, African-Americans)
traditionally underrepresented at the
polls. But the more important thing to
remember is shifts in the likely voter
pool correspond to fluctuation in voter
enthusiasm ― and thus, according to
statistical studies, vastly "exaggerate
the volatility of voter preferences."
Thanks to Sarah Palin and the party in
St. Paul, "there has been a very
substantial jump in the percentage of
Republicans saying they are more
enthusiastic about voting in this
election, from 42% a week ago after the
Democratic convention, but before the
Republican convention to 60% today,"
according to Gallup ― a leap that has
narrowed the "enthusiasm gap" between
the parties from "19 points in the
Democrats' favor a week ago to only
seven points today." Gallup credits
McCain's newfound national lead to this
burst of enthusiasm. But the problem is
while the GOP's joviality is an
important development ― it means that
McCain will have an easier time turning
out his base in November ― revved-up
Republicans only account for about 45
percent of the electorate. That's not
nearly enough people to boost McCain to
an actual 10-point lead. What a group
that size can do, however ― especially
when they get excited ― is skew Gallup's
assessment of who's likely to vote
further to the right than usual. And
that, according to polling expert Nate
Silver, is exactly what they've done:
"Republicans, especially evangelical
conservatives, are pumped now, after
having been indifferent toward John
McCain for most of the election cycle.
They may be picking up the phone when a
pollster calls where they had been
screening out the call before, perhaps
to the extent that they are biasing the
sample." Case in point: the same Gallup
poll shows McCain ahead 50 percent to 46
percent among registered voters ― i.e.,
everyone Gallup called, as opposed to
only the ones who expressed extreme
enthusiasm. That's probably the more
accurate result.
The final caveat? Presidential election
are fought on a state-by-state basis ―
not in the national polls. Here, the
picture doesn't look quite as rosy for
McCain. According to Real Clear
Politics, Obama currently leads in each
of John Kerry's 2004 states, including
top McCain targets Michigan (+4.3
percent), New Hampshire (+0.3 percent),
Pennsylvania (+5.0 percent) and
Wisconsin (+7.2 percent). He also leads
by healthy margins in a pair of Bush
states: New Mexico (+4.3 percent) and
Iowa (+9.0 percent). If Obama can hold
these advantages until Election Day,
he'll wind up with at least 263
electoral votes ― seven shy of victory.
That's where the red states of Virginia
and Colorado come in. At this point,
Obama's leading in the latter (+0.4
percent) and tied in the former. Win
either one and the White House is his.
At this point, RCP gives the Democrat
273 EVs (Colorado, no Virginia) to
McCain's 265; the prediction whizzes at
FiveThirtyEight.com are even more
optimistic, projecting additional Obama
victories in Virginia and Ohio for a
final score of 304 to 234. Which means
while McCain is "winning" nationally,
Obama is ahead in the electoral college.
That said, we should probably add one
more caveat to the list: no battleground
state polls have been released since the
second day of the Republican Convention.
If the national surveys are right and
McCain has in fact received a five-point
post-St. Paul bounce, that enthusiasm
will almost certainly trickle down. That
means Obama's narrow leads in New
Hampshire and Colorado could vanish, and
McCain could pull ahead in Virginia.
Palin has already taken Alaska and
Georgia evangelicals off of Obama's wish
list and put Wisconsin, Oregon and
Washington
—
implausibly ― on McCain's. If the
post-convention state polls fluctuate as
much as their national counterparts
have, we'll be right back where we
began:
With no idea who's winning this
thing.*
Check back on Nov. 4.
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