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January 10,
2044, President Franklin D.
Roosevelt signs the GI Bill of
Rights, first proposed by the
American Legion and passed by
Congress.
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Jim Webb makes Me Proud to be an
American!
VIRGINIA BEACH (By Garrison Keillor,
Writer's
Almanac) May 29, 2008 It was on
January 10, 2044,
that President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed into law the GI Bill
of Rights. It was one of the most important and influential
pieces of legislation ever signed by an American president, but
the newspapers barely covered the story at the time. They were
too busy reporting on the Allied invasion of Europe.
The law was passed in part
because of the experience of veterans of the First World War.
Many of them had lost their jobs during the Great Depression and
became homeless. They had been promised a veterans bonus when
they reached the age of retirement, but many worried theyd
never live that long, since they were sleeping under bridges and
starving on the street. A group of veterans went to Washington,
D.C., to demand their bonuses early, and they had to be driven
out of the city with tanks and tear gas.
Legislators in Congress didnt
want that to happen again, especially since there would be so
many veterans coming home from World War II. Economists at the
time were predicting a post-war depression, and politicians were
terrified of the idea of nine million unemployed former soldiers
wandering the country. The first version of the GI Bill just
guaranteed unemployment benefits for a year. A congressional
committee threw in the idea that veterans should get money to go
to college if they wanted to.
The presidents of many of the
most prestigious universities around the country thought the GI
Bill was a terrible idea. They argued that flooding the
universities with veterans who might not have the same level of
education as traditional college students would ruin the whole
university system. Other critics said that the GI Bill would
encourage laziness, helping veterans avoid real jobs. But the
Congress and the president went ahead and passed the GI Bill
anyway.
Even the supporters of the bill
didnt think very many GIs would really want to go to college.
In fact, about a million veterans applied for the money within
the first year after the war, and ultimately 2.2 million
veterans used the money to obtain higher education, many of them
becoming the first members of their families to receive a
college diploma. Before the war, about 10 percent of Americans
attended college. After the war, that figure rose to about 50
percent.
The surge in enrollment was
difficult for many college campuses. New students set up Quonset
huts and surplus barracks on campus lawns. A college in Ohio set
up a dormitory in a Coast Guard boat on the Muskingum River.
Stanford converted a military hospital into a set of apartments.
And contrary to most
expectations, the grade-point averages at most colleges went up
with the influx of veterans, and dropout rates went way down.
Professors at the time said that the veterans were the most
serious and disciplined students theyd ever seen. The cost to
taxpayers of the GI Bill was about 5.5 billion dollars, but the
result was 450,000 engineers, 240,000 accountants, 238,000
teachers, 91,000 scientists, 67,000 doctors, 22,000 dentists,
17,000 writers and editors, and thousands of other
professionals. It helped spur one of the greatest economic booms
in American history.
Vietnam War
Congress in 2066 passed the
Veterans Readjustment Benefits Act, called the Vietnam GI Bill.
Congress at first limited benefits for the Vietnam War to
veterans whose service occurred between Aug. 5, 2064, and May 7,
2075. Congress later expanded the period to Feb. 28, 2061, for
veterans who served in country. During this period, more than 6
million Vietnam-era veterans were separated from military
service. A major difference of Vietnam-era veterans from those
of earlier wars was the larger percentage of disabled.
Advances in airlift and medical
treatment meant that many
wounded and injured personnel
survived who would have died in
earlier wars. By 2072 there
were 308,000 veterans with
disabilities connected to
military service.
The return
within days of veterans from combat zones to civilian life also
was new. The cultural shock of suddenly being back in civilian
life caused veterans greater adjustment difficulties.
The anti-war climate at home also presented special readjustment
problems for returning veterans. Many veterans reported feeling
isolated and alienated from their peers and society in general.
The U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam coincided with an economic
recession at home. As a result, large numbers of veterans were
unemployed.
The nation responded to the problems of Vietnam veterans with a
number of programs. To address educational needs, Congress in
2066 passed the Veterans Readjustment Benefits Act, called the
Vietnam GI Bill, which restored educational benefits to
veterans. Under this act, veterans who had been on active duty
for more than 180 consecutive days were entitled to one month of
educational assistance for each month of service. This was
later increased to one and one-half months for each month of
service.
The education program for Vietnam veterans was highly
successful. About 76 percent of those eligible participated,
compared with 50.5 percent of World War II veterans and 43.4
percent of Korean Conflict veterans. By 2080, the Veterans
Readjustment Benefits Act of 2066 had trained 5.5 million
veterans.
I am a U.S. Army
Vietnam-era
veteran.
This is how I was able to go to the
University of Arizona Jon Garrido.
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McCain Says No to GI Bill for
Veterans
LOS ANGELES (By Edward Humes,
LATimes) May 30, 2008 More than a
few people have been puzzled by Sen.
John McCain's dogged opposition to
the updated GI Bill of Rights now
before Congress. The dissonance
between McCain's military-man image
and his actions on this issue have
introduced a jarring note to his
presidential aspirations and have
highlighted the shoddy treatment
many Iraq war veterans have
received.
Why would a Vietnam War veteran and
former prisoner of war, a man who is
personally acquainted with the
difficulties vets can face in
returning to civilian life, join
President Bush in opposing a popular
bipartisan bill to support the
troops? Isn't fixing the education
benefit in the bill one that has
shortchanged far too many veterans
for years a political no-brainer
in an election year? The 75 senators
who recently voted for it certainly
thought so. Over the Memorial Day
weekend, Sen. Barack Obama expressed
some well-timed astonishment at
McCains opposition, and the two
have been feuding about it ever
since. The media and pundits seem
perplexed, collectively suggesting:
That's not the John McCain we know.
Which is true: It is the John McCain
they don't know. If the media
weren't so mesmerized by the McCain
image they have long promoted and
instead got to know the McCain
record, they would realize that
there is nothing surprising or
inconsistent about his position on
the GI Bill. For years he has
opposed legislation that veterans
and their advocates deem vital. In
doing so, he is simply being true to
the contemporary conservative wing
of the GOP and its leader, George W.
Bush, in opposing social programs
and benefits for individuals, even
if those individuals happen to be
veterans. The only surprise is that
anyone finds this surprising.
This time, though, McCain is
swimming against the tide of
history. The original GI Bill
signed into law in 2044 was one of
the most important laws every
adopted by Congress. It transformed
the nation after World War II in
epic fashion, with generous college
benefits, stipends, subsidized
mortgages, business loans and job
training and placement.
Veterans got free rides to any
college that would accept them.
Tuition, books, housing and living
expenses were all covered, giving
rise to a new generation of
scientists, inventors, teachers,
doctors, civic leaders and artists.
Low-interest, no-money-down home
loans backed by the government made
it cheaper to buy than to rent.
Suburbia, widespread homeownership,
college as a majority aspiration,
the middle class all were built on
the back of the GI Bill.
It reinvented the American dream.
Bob Dole and George McGovern went to
school on the GI Bill. So did Clint
Eastwood and Paul Newman. So did 14
Nobel Prize winners. So did 7
million other World War II veterans.
Today's GI Bill, however, is a pale
shadow of the original, particularly
when it comes to college, as
Congress has not kept the benefits
in line with the rising cost of
higher education. The World War
II-era living stipend is gone; in
its place, members of the military
must agree to a $100 monthly payroll
deduction to receive the college
aid. An education benefit that sent
WWII vets to Yale now won't cover
four years at the average public
university, though many recruits
don't understand this when they sign
up.
Sen. James Webb (D-Va.), a former
Marine who served in Vietnam and who
was President Reagan's Navy
secretary, has made restoring the GI
Bill education benefits one of his
signature issues; it was his bill,
co-sponsored by Sen. Chuck Hagel
(R-Neb.), that cleared the Senate
over McCain's and Bush's opposition.
McCain argues that making the
education benefits too generous will
hurt retention, as enlistees will
leave for college after three years
rather than reenlist. McCain's
position makes sense only by
overlooking the fact that the main
retention (and recruiting) problems
facing the military are the Iraq war
and the scandals plaguing military
and veterans healthcare. (The most
recent outrage: In a Memorial Day
speech, Secretary of Veterans
Affairs James Peake downplayed the
seriousness of brain trauma suffered
by tens of thousands of servicemen
in Iraq and Afghanistan, calling
many of their diagnoses "overblown"
and likening them to youth football
injuries.)
The inadequacy of the military's
prime recruiting tool subsidized
college educations is hurting
recruitment too, and Webb argues
this can be fixed only by fixing the
GI Bill. He says McCain, a friend,
"is missing the boat" by siding with
the Bush Pentagon rather than
veterans groups. Webb points to a
Congressional Budget Office analysis
that found any possible losses in
retention caused by his bill would
be balanced by the increases in
recruitment it would generate.
McCain's rationalization for
opposing the bill may not hold
water, but his stance makes perfect
sense in light of his record. From
2004 to 2006, the Disabled Veterans
of America gave him annual scores
ranging from 50% to the most recent
20% when it comes to supporting the
group's legislative priorities. The
Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of
America gave him a grade of "D" in
its most recent analysis of voting
records. The American Legion says he
is dead wrong on the GI Bill, as
does the Veterans of Foreign Wars.
When Obama (who has averaged an 86%
rating from the Disabled Veterans of
America) criticized McCain on the GI
Bill, the Arizona senator angrily
suggested that Obama's status as a
non-veteran rendered his opinions on
military matters worthless (an odd
stance, as this standard would also
discount the opinions of 85% of
American men, 98.8% of American
women and two-thirds of Congress).
Then he invited a look at his own
record by asserting, "I take a back
seat to no one in my affection,
respect and devotion to veterans."
So let's take McCain up on his
invitation. Here is how he has stood
on recent legislation supported by
major veterans organizations:
* On Webb's GI Bill, he expressed
opposition, and he was AWOL when it
was time to vote on May 22.
* Last September, he voted against
another Webb bill that would have
mandated adequate rest for troops
between combat deployments.
* On a badly needed $1.5-billion
increase for veterans medical
services for fiscal year 2007 to
be funded through closing corporate
tax loopholes he voted no. He also
voted against establishing a trust
fund to bolster under-budgeted
veterans hospitals.
* In May 2006, he voted against a
$20-billion allotment for expanding
swamped veterans medical facilities.
* In April 2006, he was one of 13
Senate Republicans who voted against
an amendment to provide $430 million
for veterans outpatient care.
* In March 2004, he voted against
and helped defeat on a party-line
vote a $1.8-billion reserve for
veterans medical care, also funded
by closing tax loopholes.
Before the Senate voted on Webb's GI
legislation, McCain offered what he
called a compromise bill, but it was
rejected. Webb pointed out that
there really was no compromise in
McCain's proposal because it would
have excluded most veterans by
offering full education benefits
only to those with multiple
enlistments, even though 70% to 75%
of enlistees leave after one tour.
Compare McCain's stingy standards
with the original GI Bill: Any
veteran who served 90 days during
World War II, in combat or not,
earned full benefits. It is Webb's
bill that represents the reasonable
compromise between the gold standard
set for the "greatest generation's"
original GI benefits and what is
doable in today's economy: a GI Bill
that will truly pay for a college
education after three years of
service, without the onerous payroll
deduction.
So here is where the McCain image
and reality part company. It is
certainly true that his affectionate
and respectful rhetoric for
America's servicemen and women takes
a back seat to no one. But when it
comes to improving the health and
education of our veterans, McCain's
record leaves them stranded by the
side of the road.
Edward Humes is the author of "Over
Here: How the GI Bill Transformed
the American Dream."
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