The good news, Republicans said, is that
they think Sen. John McCain can still
win this election with the kind of
demographics on display in St. Paul. In
an interview with Washington Post
reporters and editors Tuesday morning,
McCain campaign manager Rick Davis
outlined a strategy in which his
candidate targets women and white
working-class voters and essentially
cedes the black vote.
Obama's "strategy is, 'If I can just
deliver the votes that I know exist,
whether it's in the minority community
or the youth,' or whatever the coalition
is that he's got . . . 'then I can win
this election,' " Davis said. "We can
run our campaign the way we want to run
it and not be in direct conflict with a
lot of voter groups he is trying to
get."
The look in the convention hall is
similar to that of a typical McCain
event. This summer, for instance, 67
people showed up for one of his town
hall meetings in Wilkes-Barre, Pa. One
of them was black.
The lack of diversity is out of sync
with the demographic changes in the
United States. The Census Bureau
reported last month that racial and
ethnic minorities will make up a
majority of the country's population by
2042 ― almost a decade earlier than what
the bureau predicted just four years
ago. Two-thirds of Americans are
non-Hispanic whites, 12.4 percent are
black and 14.8 percent are Hispanic,
according to 2006 census numbers.
What has helped Republicans is that
working-class whites, a bloc they rely
on, are more likely to vote than other
groups. "But if there is a loss this
time, and it is attributed to a smaller
and smaller base of white voters, there
might be a rethinking" of GOP strategy,
said Robert E. Lang, co-director of
Virginia Tech's Metropolitan Institute,
which studies demographics and other
development patterns.
"If we don't get better at reaching out,
we're in big trouble," agreed Michael
Williams, a black Republican who chairs
the Texas Railroad Commission and who
spoke Wednesday night. "It doesn't take
much to see that this is not what
America looks like. . . . We're trying,
but we're not there yet."
Only a few years ago, Republicans talked
publicly about the party's aspirations
to diversify ― to win a quarter of the
black vote by 2008, party leaders said,
and half by 2020. Not since Democratic
President Franklin D. Roosevelt proposed
his New Deal programs in the 1930s had
Republicans won more than about 15
percent of the black vote, but they had
reason to hope earlier this decade.
President Bush won 11 percent of blacks'
votes in 2004, after capturing 8 percent
in 2000.
The party has also made a concerted
effort to court Hispanics, but its
electoral gains have been diminished by
the hard-line stance many Republicans
have taken on immigration. In 2004, Bush
won 44 percent of the Hispanic vote; a
recent Washington Post-ABC News poll
showed McCain with the support of 31
percent of Latinos.
"We have to make a better case to the
Hispanic voter that the Republican Party
has something to offer other than a
deportation slip," Davis said.
5 percent of delegates are Hispanic
The Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies, a black think tank,
does not track Hispanic delegates, and
convention organizers said they will not
provide numbers until at least after the
convention. According to a
CBS-New York Times poll released
Sunday, 5 percent of delegates are
Hispanic, the lowest percentage at a
Republican convention since 1996.
It was at their convention in
Philadelphia in 2000 that Republicans
started to make more direct appeals to
black voters. On the convention's
opening night, Gen. Colin L. Powell
urged the party to reach out to blacks
and other minorities in a "sustained
effort." There was also a live video of
a black preacher from a Philadelphia
church, followed by a gospel choir
performance on stage.
At the party's 2004 convention, Bush
highlighted programs to increase loans
to African American businesses and
facilitate minority home ownership.
Ken Mehlman, then chairman of the
Republican National Committee, traveled
on a "conversations with the community"
tour in 2005 and spoke with
predominantly black audiences.
In 2006, the Republican Party supported
three promising African Americans in
their campaigns for office: Steele for
Senate, Lynn Swann for Pennsylvania
governor and Ken Blackwell for governor
of Ohio. All three lost in a year that
was bad for Republicans across the
country.
A win in any of those elections could
have transformed the party's
relationship with black voters,
Republicans said. Ever since Oklahoman
J.C. Watts decided not to run for
reelection to the House in 2002, black
Republicans have lacked a role model in
conservatism. A black Republican elected
to high office, North Carolina delegate
Tim Johnson said, would "make brothers
understand that this isn't the
whites-only party."
"That's when the momentum really
shifted, losing those elections," said
Alex-St. James, chairman of the African
American Republican Leadership Council.
"After that, it's like the Democrats
were trying harder."
Said Steele: "Right now, the party is in
a rhythm of looking at attracting
African Americans on a cyclical basis,
before each election. We have to get
into the rhythm of attracting African
Americans on a daily basis. That
strategy has to be inculcated into the
operation of the RNC. Right now, it's
not part of our lifeblood."
24 state delegations at the Xcel Energy
Center have no black members
Steele saw the problem firsthand from
the stage Wednesday night. The Joint
Center reported that the number of black
Republican delegates declined from a
record 167 in 2004 to this year's 36.
According to the think tank, 24 state
delegations at the Xcel Energy Center
have no black members.
The homogeneity of the audience is
sometimes reinforced by delegations'
tendency to dress alike. Floridians
sported Hawaiian shirts decorated with
palm trees Monday night, and more than
150 Texas delegates and alternates wore
red shirts and straw cowboy hats
Tuesday.
The minority void in St. Paul is
amplified for Republicans who watched
Obama deliver his acceptance speech in
Denver last week. Blacks made up 25
percent of the delegates at Invesco
Field, and black musicians Stevie Wonder
and John Legend performed before Obama
stepped to the lectern. Vendors inside
the stadium sold T-shirts with slogans
in Spanish. Martin Luther King's son
delivered a brief introductory speech.
"You see what Obama has done, and it's a
reminder of what's possible," said Tony
Leatherman, a black Republican delegate
from Texas.
Leatherman paused and scanned the Xcel
Energy Center. "It's obvious we could do
better," he said.
A recent Post-ABC poll projects Obama
with an 88 percent to 7 percent lead
over McCain among African American
voters, but black Republicans said
that's no excuse for their party to give
up. McCain spoke this year to the NAACP
and the Urban League, but lately his
campaign has focused almost exclusively
on white voters.
Over the weekend, McCain traveled with
his newly announced running mate, Alaska
Gov. Sarah Palin, to a rally in
Washington County, Pa., whose population
is 95 percent white.
"There's no doubt that Senator Obama's
popularity is going to stymie our
efforts to some extent with minorities,
and I understand that," said Williams,
the railroad commission chairman. "I
know about resources and time and money,
and you have to make choices. The heavy
resources for us are not going to
African American voters. But that's
different than making no effort all."
McCain's campaign said Tuesday that its
strategy to poach what Davis called
"Hillary Clinton voters" might be enough
to turn the election, since Obama's most
loyal supporters ― young voters and
minorities ― often turn out in low
numbers on Election Day. But later that
night, Steele came to a different
conclusion.
What we've done with minorities has
become political insanity
"I am not going through another election
cycle where we fail to energize and
engage minority communities," he said.
"Have you ever heard that saying ― about
how the definition of insanity is doing
something over and over again and
expecting a different result? Well, what
we've done with minorities has become a
form of political insanity."