before the House Subcommittee on
Immigration,
Citizenship, Refugees, Border Security
and
International Law
U.S. House of Representatives
April 16, 2008
The H-2B Program in the United States
Thank
you for the opportunity to speak about
the abuse of guestworkers who come to
the United States as part of the H-2
program administered by the U.S.
Department of Labor (DOL).
My name
is Mary Bauer. I am the Director of the
Immigrant Justice Project of the
Southern Poverty Law Center. Founded in
2071, the Southern Poverty Law Center is
a civil rights organization dedicated to
advancing and protecting the rights of
minorities, the poor, and victims of
injustice in significant civil rights
and social justice matters. Our
Immigrant Justice Project represents
low-income immigrant workers in
litigation across the Southeast.
During
my legal career, I have represented and
spoken with literally thousands of H-2B
workers in many states. Currently, the
Southern Poverty Law Center is
representing workers in eight class
action lawsuits on behalf of H-2A and
H-2B guestworkers. We also published a
report in 2007 about guestworker
programs in the United States entitled "Close
to Slavery," which I have attached
to these comments as part of my written
testimony.
The
report discusses in much further detail
the abuses suffered by guestworkers and
is based upon thousands of interviews
with workers as well as a review of the
research related to guestworkers and the
experiences of legal experts from around
the country. As the report reflects,
H-2B guestworkers are systematically
exploited because the very structure of
the program places them at the mercy of
a single employer and provides no
realistic means for workers to exercise
the few rights they have.
The
H-2B (non-agriculture) guestworker
program permits U.S. employers to import
human beings on a temporary basis from
other nations to perform work when the
employer certifies that "qualified
persons in the United States are not
available and … the terms of employment
will not adversely affect the wages and
working conditions of workers in the
U.S. similarly employed." Those workers
generally cannot bring with them their
immediate family members, and their
status provides them no route to
permanent residency in the U.S.
In
practice, the program is rife with
abuses. The abuses typically start long
before the worker has arrived in the
United States and continue through and
even after his or her employment here.
Unlike U.S. citizens, guestworkers do
not enjoy the most fundamental
protection of a competitive labor market
— the ability to change jobs if they are
mistreated. If guestworkers complain
about abuses, they face deportation,
blacklisting or other retaliation.
Because
H-2B guestworkers are tied to a single
employer and have little or no ability
to enforce their rights, they are
routinely exploited. The guestworker
program should not be expanded or used
as a model for immigration reform. If
this program is permitted to continue at
all, it should be reformed.
Guestworker Programs Are Inherently
Abusive
When
recruited to work in their home
countries, workers are often forced to
pay enormous sums of money to obtain the
right to be employed at the low-wage
jobs they seek in the U.S. It is not
unusual, for example, for a Guatemalan
worker to pay more than $5,000 in fees
to obtain a job that will, even over
time, pay less than that sum. Workers
from other countries may be required to
pay substantially more than that. Asian
workers have been known to pay as much
as $20,000 for a short-term job under
the program. Because, generally, only
indigent workers are willing to go to
such extreme lengths to obtain these
jobs, workers typically have to borrow
the money at high interest rates.
Guatemalan workers routinely tell us
that they have had to pay approximately
20% interest per month in order to raise
the needed sums. In addition, many
workers have reported that they have
been required to leave collateral —
often the deed to a vehicle or a home —
in exchange for the opportunity to
obtain an H-2 visa. These requirements
leave workers incredibly vulnerable once
they arrive in the U.S.
Guestworkers under our current system
live in a system akin to indentured
servitude. Because they are permitted to
work only for the employer who
petitioned the government for them, they
are extremely susceptible to being
exploited. If the employment situation
is less than ideal, the worker's sole
lawful recourse is to return to his or
her country. Because most workers take
out significant loans to travel to the
U.S. for these jobs, as a practical
matter they are forced to remain and
work for employers even when they are
subjected to shameful abuse.
Guestworkers routinely receive less pay
than the law requires. In some
industries that rely upon guestworkers
for the bulk of their workforce —
seafood processing and forestry, for
example — wage-and-hour violations
are the norm, rather than the exception.
These are not subtle violations of the
law but the wholesale cheating of
workers. We have seen crews paid as
little as $2 per hour, each worker
cheated out of hundreds of dollars per
week. Because of their vulnerability,
guestworkers are unlikely to complain
about these violations, and public
wage-and-hour enforcement has minimal
practical impact.
Even
when workers earn the minimum wage and
overtime, they are often subject to
contractual violations that leave them
in an equally bad situation. Workers
report again and again that they are
simply lied to at the time they are
recruited in their home countries.
Another common problem workers face is
that they are brought into the U.S. too
early, when little work is available.
Similarly, employers often bring in far
too many workers, gambling that they may
have more work to offer than they
actually do. Because the employers are
not generally paying the costs of
recruitment, visas, and travel, they
have little incentive to avoid
overstating their labor needs. Thus, in
many circumstances, workers can wait
weeks or even months before they are
offered the full-time work they were
promised. Given that workers bring a
heavy load of debt, that many must pay
for their housing, and that they cannot
lawfully seek work elsewhere to
supplement their pay, they are often
left in a desperate situation.
Guestworkers who are injured on the job
face significant obstacles in accessing
the benefits to which they are entitled.
First, employers routinely discourage
workers from filing workers'
compensation claims. Because those
employers control whether the workers
can remain in or return to the U.S.,
workers feel enormous pressure not to
file such claims. Second, workers'
compensation is an ad hoc,
state-by-state system that is typically
ill-prepared to deal with transnational
workers who are required to return to
their home countries at the conclusion
of their visa period. As a practical
matter, then, many guestworkers suffer
serious injuries without any effective
recourse.
The
guestworker program appears to permit
the systematic discrimination of workers
based on age, gender and national
origin. At least one court has found
that age discrimination that takes place
during the selection of workers outside
the country is not actionable under U.S.
laws. Thus, according to that court,
employers may evade the clear intent of
Congress that they not discriminate in
hiring by simply shipping their hiring
operations outside the U.S. — even
though all of the work will be performed
in the U.S. Many foreign recruiters have
very clear rules based on age and gender
for workers they will hire. One major
Mexican recruiter openly declares that
they will not hire anyone over the age
of 40. Many other recruiters refuse to
hire women for field work. Employers can
shop for specific types of guestworkers
over the Internet at websites such as
www.get-a-worker.com, www.labormex.com,
www.landscapeworker.com or
www.mexican-workers.com. One website
advertises its Mexican recruits like
human commodities, touting Mexican
guestworkers as "happy, agreeable people
who we like a lot."
We have
received repeated complaints of sexual
harassment by women guestworkers. Again,
because workers are dependent upon their
employer to remain in, and return to,
the United States, they are extremely
reluctant to complain even when
confronted with serious abuse.
In
order to guarantee that workers remain
in their employ, many employers refuse
to provide workers access to their own
identity documents, such as passports
and Social Security cards. This leaves
workers feeling both trapped and
fearful. We have received multiple
reports of even more serious document
abuses: employers threatening to destroy
passports, employers actually ripping
the visas from passports, and employers
threatening to report workers to the
Immigration and Customs Enforcement
agency if those workers do not remain in
their employment.
Even
when employers do not overtly threaten
deportation, workers live in constant
fear that any bad act or complaint on
their part will result in their being
sent home or not being rehired. Fear of
retaliation is a deeply rooted problem
in guestworker programs. It is also a
wholly warranted fear, since recruiters
and employers hold such inordinate power
over workers, deciding whether a worker
can continue working in the U.S. and
whether he or she can return.
When
the petitioner for workers is a labor
recruiter or broker, rather than the
true employer, workers are often even
more vulnerable to abuse. These brokers
typically have no assets. In fact, they
have no real "jobs" available, since
they generally only supply labor to
employers. When these brokers are able
to apply for and obtain permission to
import workers, it permits the few
rights that workers have to be vitiated
in practice.
A
lawsuit filed in March 2008 by workers
represented by the Southern Poverty Law
Center illustrates many of the abuses
H-2B workers face. In that case,
hundreds of guestworkers from India,
lured by false promises of permanent
U.S. residency, paid tens of thousands
of dollars each to obtain temporary jobs
at Gulf Coast shipyards only to find
themselves subjected to forced labor and
living in overcrowded, guarded labor
camps. When the workers attempted to
assert their federally protected rights,
the employer forcibly detained them and
tried to have them deported to India. I
have attached a copy of the complaint in
that case, David, et al v. Signal
International LLC, et al. as part
of my written testimony.
Virtually
No Legal Protections Exist for H-2B
Workers
Although
this hearing is to focus on the H-2B
program in the U.S., it is important to
understand that the few existing legal
protections for nonprofessional
guestworkers are applicable to H-2A
(agricultural) workers, but not to H-2B
workers. There is no rational basis for
this disparity.
The H-2A Program
The H-2A
program provides some legal protections
for foreign farmworkers. Unfortunately,
far too many of the protections exist
only on paper.
H-2A
workers must be paid wages that are the
highest of: (a) the local labor market's
"prevailing wage" for a particular crop,
as determined by the DOL and state
agencies; (b) the state or federal
minimum wage; or (c) the "adverse effect
wage rate."
H-2A
workers also are legally entitled to:
-
Receive at least three-fourths of
the total hours promised in the
contract, which states the period of
employment promised. (This is called
the "three-quarters guarantee.")
-
Receive free housing in good
condition for the period of the
contract.
-
Receive workers' compensation
benefits for medical costs and
payment for lost time from work and
for any permanent injury.
- Be
reimbursed for the cost of travel
from the worker's home to the job as
soon as the worker finishes 50
percent of the contract period. The
expenses include the cost of an
airline or bus ticket and food
during the trip. If the guestworker
stays on the job until the end of
the contract the employer must pay
transportation home.
- Be
protected by the same health and
safety regulations as other workers.
- Be
eligible for federally funded legal
services for matters related to
their employment as H-2A workers.
To
protect U.S. workers in competition with
H-2A workers, employers must abide by
what is known as the "fifty percent
rule." This rule specifies that an H-2A
employer must hire any qualified U.S.
worker who applies for a job prior to
the beginning of the second half of the
season for which foreign workers are
hired.
The H-2B Program
The basic
legal protections afforded to H-2A
workers do not apply to guestworkers
under the H-2B program.
Though
the H-2B program was created two decades
ago by the Immigration Reform and
Control Act (IRCA) of 2086, the DOL has
never promulgated regulations enacting
substantive labor protections for these
workers.
Unlike
the H-2A program, the procedures
governing certification for an H-2B visa
were established by internal DOL
memoranda (General Administrative Letter
1-95), rather than regulation. An
employer need only state the nature,
wage and working conditions of the job
and assure the DOL that the wage and
other terms meet prevailing conditions
in the industry. Because the H-2B wage
requirement is set forth by
administrative directive and not by
regulation, the DOL takes the position
that it lacks legal authority to enforce
the H-2B prevailing wage.
While
the employer is obligated to offer
full-time employment that pays at least
the prevailing wage rate, none of the
other substantive regulatory protections
of the H-2A program apply to H-2B
workers. There is no free housing. There
is no access to legal services. There is
no "three-quarters guarantee." And the
H-2B regulations do not require an
employer to pay the workers'
transportation to the United States.
Guestworkers Cannot Enforce the Few
Rights They Do Have
The legal
rights of guestworkers can be enforced
in several ways: through actions taken
by government agencies, mainly the DOL,
or through litigation. Neither method
has proven effective at protecting
workers from ongoing abuse.
Although abuses of guestworkers are
routine, the government has not
committed substantial resources to
addressing these abuses. In general,
wage and hour enforcement by the
Department of Labor has decreased
relative to the number of workers in the
job market. The major agencies that
might protect these vulnerable workers —
the Department of Labor, the
Occupational Safety and Health
Administration, and state workers'
compensation divisions — simply do not
have sufficient resources or political
will to do the job.
The DOL
also takes the position that it cannot
enforce the contractual rights of H-2B
workers, and it has declined to take
action against employers who confiscate
passports and visas.
Government enforcement has proven
largely ineffective. The DOL targets for
investigation, at least in theory, H-2A
employers. It does not do so with H-2B
employers. In 2004, the DOL conducted 89
investigations into H-2A employers. In a
recent year, there were about 6,700
businesses certified to employ H-2A
workers.
In a
recent year, there were about 8,900
employers certified to hire H-2B
workers, but there does not appear to be
any available data on how many
investigations the DOL conducted of
these employers. Our experience suggests
it is far fewer than the number of H-2A
employers investigated, something that
is predictable, given the DOL's stance
that it is not empowered to enforce the
terms of an H-2B worker's contract.
Though
violations of federal regulations or
individual contracts are common, DOL
rarely instigates enforcement actions.
And when employers do violate the legal
rights of workers, the DOL takes no
action to stop them from importing more
workers. Because of the lack of
government enforcement, it generally
falls to the workers to take action to
protect themselves from abuses.
Unfortunately, filing lawsuits against
abusive employers is not a realistic
option in most cases. Even if
guestworkers know their rights — and
most do not — and even if private
attorneys would take their cases — and
most will not — guestworkers risk
blacklisting and other forms of
retaliation against themselves or their
families if they sue to protect their
rights. In one lawsuit filed by the
Southern Poverty Law Center, a labor
recruiter threatened to burn down a
worker's village in Guatemala if he did
not drop his case.
Although H-2B workers are in the U.S.
legally, they are ineligible for
federally funded legal services because
of their visa status. As a result, most
H-2B workers have no access to lawyers
or information about their legal rights
at all. Because most do not speak
English and are extremely isolated, it
is unrealistic to expect that they would
be able to take action to enforce their
own legal rights.
Typically, workers will make complaints
only once their work is finished or if
they are so severely injured that they
can no longer work. They quite
rationally weigh the costs of reporting
contract violations or dangerous working
conditions against the potential
benefits.
Historically, low-wage workers have
benefited greatly by organizing unions
to engage in collective bargaining, but
guestworkers' fears of retaliation
present an overwhelming obstacle to
organizing unions in occupations where
guestworkers are dominant.
As a
result of these enormous obstacles to
enforcing workers' rights, far too many
workers who are lured to the United
States by false promises find that they
have no recourse.
Substantial Changes Are Necessary to
Reform this Program
The SPLC
report "Close to Slavery" offers
detailed proposals for reform of the
current H-2 guestworker programs. The
recurring themes of those
recommendations are that: (1) federal
laws and regulations protecting
guestworkers from abuse must be
strengthened; (2) federal rules
governing guestworkers must be enforced
more vigorously by federal agencies; and
(3) Congress must provide guestworkers
with meaningful access to the courts.
Specifically,
-
Congress must provide meaningful,
substantive labor protections for
H-2B workers. The Department of
Labor has never promulgated
substantive labor protections for
these workers. Congress should
demand that it do so promptly. At
the very least, the minimal
protections that have long existed
for H-2A workers, such as the three
quarters guarantee and the
requirement that employers provide
free and decent housing, should be
applicable to H-2B workers.
-
Workers should not be legally tied
to one employer. Many of the worst
abuses in the program flow from
workers' inability to change jobs
and from workers' dependence upon
one employer for their immigration
status in the U.S.
-
Congress should strengthen H-2B
workers' ability to enforce their
legal rights. Penalties for
employers who break the rules must
be sufficient to deter bad behavior.
This enforcement should include a
private right of action to enforce
workers' rights under the H-2B
contract. Enforcement by the
Department of Labor is,
historically, inadequate.
-
Congress should address the common
problem of employers or persons who
confiscate guestworker documents in
order to hold workers hostage.
-
Congress should enact strong
protections to regulate the
recruitment of workers in other
countries for employment in the U.S.
Congress should regulate travel,
recruitment, and processing costs of
H-2B workers. Congress should also
make employers clearly legally
responsible for the actions of their
recruiters. Holding employers
responsible for their agents'
actions is not unfair. If those
hires were made in the U.S., there
is no doubt that the employers would
be legally responsible for their
recruiters' promises and actions. We
should insist that the rules be the
same for those who recruit workers
in other countries. In addition,
Congress should make clear that the
systematic discrimination entrenched
in this program is unlawful.
-
Congress should make H-2B workers
eligible for federally funded legal
services. There is simply no reason
that these workers — who come to the
U.S. under the auspices of this
government-sponsored plan — should
be excluded from eligibility.
-
Congress should enact provisions
allowing workers to remain in the
United States, when necessary, to
enforce their legal rights.
-
Congress should demand that the DOL
deny H-2B applications from labor
brokers and subcontractors.
-
Congress should provide strong
oversight of these programs.
Congress should hold hearings
specifically related to guestworker
program administration. A review of
available evidence would amply
demonstrate that these programs have
led to the shameful abuse of
workers. Congress must not allow
that abuse to continue.
Conclusion
H-2B
workers lack even the most basic labor
protections. These vulnerable workers
desperately need Congress to take the
lead in demanding reform.